In spite of all the anger and frustration that was palpable especially during the final iterations of the Glasgow cover decision, it would be too bleak to consider COP26 as a mere waste of time and effort. Much rather, the Glasgow package delivered a hefty lump for all Parties to chew on. As of now, it remains hard to tell how palatable individual Parties will find their haggis once they take it to their domestic tables. But if they now act even upon the half-hearted words of the Glasgow Climate Pact, the implementation of the Paris Agreement could finally gain traction. Ultimately, the proof of the haggis will be in the eating.
Africa is a missing piece of the ‘Global Britain’ jigsaw, one that needs to be put in place. And it is a continent where Britain needs to work not only with African countries but with European ones too. This requires a more positive relationship with both.
A series of high-profile events has added up to making 2021 a crucial year to tackle the global sustainable development agenda and present a unique opportunity to drive a virtuous circle of political commitment, regulation, and financial flows towards sustainable recovery in developing countries, which is a key issue of this year’s G20 cycle. Bringing the voice of developing countries in the global multilateral agenda is not easy to tackle due to different and often competing political priorities. This blog draws lessons from the Italian G20 Presidency to inform the development policy considerations and efforts of the upcoming Indonesian, Indian and Brazilian G20 Presidencies. These Presidencies have a great potential to prioritize sustainable recovery in the Global South in their own, as well as in cooperation with the G7 and EU Presidencies when appropriate.
Europe and Africa should make joint efforts to invest in projects that would support digital sovereignty on both continents, including joint industrial projects – in the area of ethical AI and open-source technologies for instance. This would respond to some of the gaps in terms of local digital industries on both continents as well as to local needs, and would demonstrate that the EU-AU digital partnership is not simply about trying to export European technologies or about aid, but about reinforcing a free and open internet.
In the United Nations General Assembly at the end of September, European Council President Charles Michel called for effective multilateralism
A recent IAI study has argued that several shortcomings in the climate and development finance systems undermine the capacity of countries in the Global South to tackle climate change¹. Insufficient resources, lack of focus on adaptation, inadequate management of climate risks, the vicious circle between indebtedness and climate vulnerability are some of the major obstacles.
A joint press release about the recent cooperation with United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Institute for Security Studies (ISS) and our Network on a series of high-level, closed doors virtual expert seminars for the AU-EU partnership.
Africa’s digital infrastructure gap is worrying, and there are few good models around the world of well-integrated, multi-country approaches to reach full and equitable connectivity. The best model may be the European Union (EU), and there is much Africa can learn from it, but accelerated investment is a fundamental need.
This blog is presenting an interesting combination of ‘’the three Cs” – Culture, Climate and Conflict – at the forefront of the EU’s diplomacy. The question however arises namely how much can the EU afford to prioritise such complex “value driven” policy agendas in a rapidly changing world with more competition and uncertainty?
On 29 June, G20 Ministers responsible for development policy convened for the first time under the Italian Presidency. The meeting