French version of this blog available here
From November 4-6, 2024 – the European Think Tanks Group, in partnership with IAI, Elcano Royal Institute and Gorée Institute, held a participatory workshop in Gorée (Senegal) to unpack the development-security nexus. The workshop drew stakeholders and experts from Africa and Europe. The workshop gave experts an opportunity to provide nuanced insights and validate findings that informed the drafting of a policy brief co-authored by the participating institutes.
One of the key takeaways from the workshop was the deepening levels of internal and external fragmentation which makes the Sahel a breeding ground for violent conflicts and geopolitical power contestation. Panelists noted the importance of recognizing the complexity of problems facing the region – poverty, social exclusion, the exploitation of historical grievances by non-state armed actors, and weak state capacity. These conflict drivers underscore the urgency of holistic and multisectoral approaches to addressing the nexus.
Participants noted inconsistencies in the EU’s approach when engaging with regional actors. Experts argued that the EU’s approach is largely driven by domestic imperatives including Europe’s current energy crisis, irregular migration and geopolitical realignments on the global stage – rather than by the pursuit of shared values and African priorities. They called for a paradigm shift that will recalibrate and strengthen EU-Sahel cooperation, particularly around security and development.
Poverty, exclusion and socioeconomic deprivation threaten livelihoods, particularly in rural and peripheral areas with the least capacity to cope with adverse climate impacts. These vulnerabilities are exploited by non-state armed groups who offer economic incentives to potential recruits. Weak governance systems that manifest in poor public service delivery provides avenues for violent extremist groups to gain support and legitimacy. Progressively, these actors have assumed quasi-state roles and are performing administrative functions, including the provision of education, health services, tax administration and revenue collection, conflict mediation, justice, and security.
Climate Change and promoting Regional Cohesion and Local Democratic Ownership:
The growing impact of climate change necessitates a coordinated alignment between the goals of local governments and their external partners. A key driver of the security crisis in the Sahel is the widening gap between urban centers and rural areas. This disparity has allowed violent extremist groups to gain support among communities that are most severely affected by the agro-pastoral crisis linked to climate change. The resulting inequalities have only deepened with the climate emergency, further destabilizing the region. The Policy Brief argues against the notion that climate change is a cause of conflict and explains that it should be conceptualised instead as a ‘threat multiplier’ amplifies pre-existing tension.
To tackle these challenges, it is essential to prioritize the improvement of service delivery in peripheral and underserved areas. Strengthening access to essential services, especially in rural communities where the state’s presence is limited, can help address the root causes of conflict. By investing in these areas, it is possible to reduce the appeal of conflict-driven economies, which have become a means for marginalized groups to secure access to resources and livelihoods.
The dialogue between the EU and Sahelian countries should focus on revitalizing the value of existing regional structures, such as ECOWAS. Over recent years, these frameworks have lost political effectiveness, partly due to a lack of recognition and support from the EU – which has instead shown a preference for creating new structures like the Sahel Alliance or the G5 Sahel and partly due to isolationist tendencies among AES countries. Furthermore, promoting dialogue and enhancing engagement with local communities requires more decisive involvement of traditional and religious authorities. These actors are fundamental for social cohesion, yet they are often marginalized or completely excluded from the EU-Sahel dialogue.
Lastly, EU initiatives in state-building and the promotion of democracy in the Sahel have often resulted in “electoral democracies” characterized by a substantial lack of citizen participation and engagement. This is largely because the EU, in its efforts to promote regime stability, has often turned a blind eye to authoritarian drifts and state corruption. Empowering civil society should be a key priority to foster stable and participatory democracies and to cultivate local ownership of democratic practices, which are too often viewed by local communities as foreign impositions.
Recalibrating relations for a stronger EU-Sahel partnership
To respond effectively to challenges presented by the nexus, workshop participants were unanimous in the recognition that development and security are intertwined, and in contexts of fragility, these issues overlap and feed off each other in complex and mutually reinforcing ways. For example, efforts remain crucial to preventing spread of violent extremist ideologies, such initiatives must mainstream gender considerations, more so, given the gendered impact of P/VCE initiatives. In terms of the gendered impacts of conflict, another notable example emerged from the workshop: the effects on masculinities of sexual violence on men and boys. Indeed, participants highlighted the need not only to consider women and girls when reflecting on gender, but also to work on healthy masculinities.
This involves recognizing the unique roles played by women and girls, as well as the gendered impacts of conflict and insecurity. Mainstreaming gender considerations into DDR and SSR processes provides comprehensive understanding of radicalisation and shifts from viewing women and girls exclusively as victims and peacemakers, or mediators but acknowledging their complex roles and experiences including as perpetrators or facilitators. Similarly, creating opportunities for young people and establishing entrepreneurial ecosystems that enable young people to thrive is important component of de-radicalisation programmes supported by EU interventions in the region.
On the security front, despite estranged relations and a strained engagement process between EU member states and the members of the Alliance of Sahel States (EAS), the EU should consider resuming dialogue and remain engaged bilaterally and with the new bloc. The panelists highlighted this as crucial in protecting European investments in the region and halting the spread of extremist ideologies. For example, owing to frosty relations with some European counterparts has emboldened military juntas in countries like Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso to seek security cooperation with competitors like Russia, China Turkey or the Gulf states. This has contributed to fuelling anti-Western sentiment in the region, making it increasingly difficult for Western businesses to operate in certain countries. Since 2021, the EU’s strategy for the Sahel has shifted to a focus on state governance and development. However, a renewed EU strategy for the Sahel is challenged by the lack of unity among EU member states regarding how and to what extent to engage with military juntas without compromising EU’s democratic values and principles.
The various sessions also brought to the attention the fact that in the past, overly securitized and militarized approaches to countering violent extremism have not delivered desired outcomes. Participants agreed that siloed approaches can inadvertently contribute to the proliferation of armed groups by displacing violent extremist groups, thereby unintentionally broadening their geographic reach. EU counterterrorism efforts have overlooked the importance of addressing the key drivers of VE and insecurity like poverty and exclusion, weak state presence, poor delivery of public services by the state or human rights violations by security forces.
Engaging with all local communities, including armed groups, can help understand their grievances and negotiating solutions that can improve lives within legal frameworks. Evidence shows that negotiated resolutions tend to be more sustainable than purely military solutions and dialogue is essential for identifying key stakeholders, clarifying grievances, and building trust. However, negotiating with these groups presents significant challenges, such as the risk of legitimizing these groups, the lack of clear interlocutors, and the absence of enforcement mechanisms.
Finally, the security-development nexus underscores the urgent need for a paradigm shift in EU-Sahel relations. As highlighted in this blog, while the EU’s strategies are ambitious, they often fall short due to a lack of contextual understanding and coherence among member states and its institutions. The upcoming EU-Africa Summit presents an opportunity to recalibrate relations and advance policies that foster genuine partnerships with Sahelian countries. Ultimately, strengthening EU-Africa cooperation requires moving beyond short-term security imperatives and investing in inclusive governance, economic development, and locally-led peacebuilding initiatives. Only through a comprehensive and collaborative approach can both continents navigate the complexities of the development-security nexus and build a more resilient future.
Authored by Darlington Tsuma, IAI, Marta Driessen, Royal Elcano Institute, Latyr Tine, Goree Institute, Rukia Bakari, Gorée institute
This blog was written in the framework of our 3-year partnership with the Open Society Foundations entitled “Towards a more interest driven and equal EU-Africa Partnership”
